Die ist ein Gastartikel von Mauricio Vargas Peralta von der Partido Pirata Chile
I won’t list a sequence of events from the last few weeks. There have been more than 90 days of mobilization and the forms of demonstration or participation are constantly changing. I will try to give an overview of what this conflict means and summarize what situation we are in. In addition to pointing out a shared vision in the Pirate Party of Chile (PPCL).
I will begin by saying that in Chile there is a very high concentration of economic, political and media power. This results in the vast majority of the population living precariously or with high rates of household debt. In addition, the State doesn’t do enough to ensure a dignified life for people in a highly privatized society where there is no social security, just to point out one aspect of the deficit.
The political class is absolutely discredited, with less than 5% of systematic support in opinion polls from different agencies. Showing a deep crisis of representative democracy; today, delegitimized.
The outburst exposed the lack of dignity suffered by the majority of us who live in the country. In particular because the political class and the sectors of big businessmen have captured the decision making and direction of public policies.
The policies and practices implemented in Chile, under a neliberal constitution, have prevented for more than 3 decades the vast majority of the country from achieving a decent standard of living, with social security and participation in the definition of public policies.
To all this social movement, as well as to its demands, the government has responded by criminalizing the movement, strongly repressing the demonstrations, without avoiding until today repeated (if not systematic) human rights violations, including murder, torture, kidnapping, sexual violations, mutilation of eyes, burns of the skin by chemicals present in the deterrents used by the police; actions recorded in reports by different human rights organizations.
A new regulation was approved in the Senate that increases the penalties for various protest actions, along with strengthening the powers of the police. In this way, thanks to the support of the parliament, a Police State has been configured, which faces social challenges through criminalization and repression; to consolidate an oligarchic and precaritating social structure of the society.
As a way of solving the crisis, the political elite agreed on a process to reform the constitution. An agreement that did not consider the social forces mobilized and that arbitrarily established the creation of a technical commission to establish the methodology for developing the process. It also handed over the management of the election of representatives to the legalized political parties. With the passing of the weeks, this agreement has been weakened and some sectors of the right have decided to oppose the constitutional reform, putting in doubt the continuity of this process, which although it would allow some social advances, it does not satisfy the demand for democratic participation in the drafting of the future constitution.
Currently, expressions of protest and social dialogue are permanent; as is extreme repression, which is only understood when the authority considers that the citizenry is an enemy of the nation, and must therefore be defeated.
As pirates of Chile, we support the demands of the social movement, the need to change the constitution with real participation of citizens, we distrust the agreement made by the elite of political parties with parliamentary representation. However, we will work together with various organizations and collectives so that the new constitution will be an expression of the sovereignty of the people as a whole, which will allow for the transformation of a state at the service of the particular interests of a small minority into a collective instrument to guarantee a dignified life for all the people who live in this country, which actively promotes the development of the people and society as a whole.
Redaktionsmitglied Sperling
Redakteur seit 2011, Kernteam der Redaktion seit 2013. De facto "Leitung" ab 2016, irgendwann auch offiziell Chefredakteur - bis 2023. Schreibt nur noch wenn ihm die Laune danach steht, zahlt aktuell die Infrastruktur der Flaschenpost, muss aber zum Glück nicht haften 🙂